Post by account_disabled on Feb 21, 2024 21:31:40 GMT -8
That happy radio space called El Ágora de Hora 25 , José Manuel García-Margallo , former government minister and friendly profile of the Popular Party, often resorts to an alleged statement by Manuel Azaña : “The Republic will be left-wing or not be Since there are many misrepresentations attributed to the last president of the Republic, the person who subscribes to these lines confesses to enduring curiosity with greater difficulty every Monday. In 1930 the Alfonsine dictatorship collapsed. The regime is still trying to return to the Turnista farce conceived in 1875; vain endeavor known by historiography as Berenguer's Dictablanda . With the collapse of the traditional despotic understanding of the State, the reclamation of the long-awaited republican ideals. “ The Republic will be democratic or it will not be . Azaña positioned himself, of course, (his meeting in Las Ventas on September 28, 1930 is illuminating) against a ruling traditionalism, which, fearing the end of its secular privileges, would seek to assault the nascent Spanish democracy from day one. An honest conservative like Miguel Maura , son of Don Antonio, illustrates in his indispensable Thus Alfonso on Augustand then in the uprising of.
They do not rest in their work. They put into it everything they have, as they tell us in minute detail in various works, but, singularly, in that enormous tome titled History of the Crusade (...) That's how the Spanish right is and will always be, perhaps. Its ideal climate was always dictatorship. A contractor of their tranquility, who guarantees them, without the slightest effort Costa Rica WhatsApp Number on their part, the use and, above all, the abuse of their ancestral privileges, already banished from the civilized world." Without a doubt, García-Margallo is not unaware that the most transcendental issues of the first republican biennium (Secularity of the State, Land Reform, Army and Autonomies) were all raised and decided – beyond their subsequent development – between April and October 1931. In other words, they derived from a Government of National Concentration that could never have been called leftist . However, the country began to be built without the tutelage of its traditional governing groups. Military reform, Church-State separation, labor relations, territorial issue, agrarian reform, women's rights, secular education.The problem of the Republic, Azaña ironized , is that many aspired to a "Republic of lies that consisted of removing to Alfonso XIII to appoint another gentleman with a floppy hat and a little less well dressed than the king.
And that we were going to the same ruling oligarchies, the same bosses and the same oppressive network for the Spanish people.” The problem of the Republic, Azaña ironized, is that many aspired to a 'Republic of lies' that consisted of removing Alfonso XIII to put another gentleman dressed as the king. Indeed, one thing was to migrate the political imposture towards a redeemable republican scenario so that nothing would change; It is quite another that upstart exponents of this new scenario, far from perverting as usual since 1833, sought to fundamentally transform the country to the detriment of its traditional ruling castes. It didn't take long for Ortega 's unjustified “ This isn't it ” to arrive . Alcalá Zamora , wishing to hand over power to a republican and liberal right, would never find it. In La Pobleta, Martínez Barrio confessed Don Niceto's wishes to Azaña: “He wanted to govern the Republic with a left – italics ours – formed by the Radical Party, a right led by his friends, temporarily, until he could lead it in person, and a kind of “SM opposition”, represented by the Socialist Party.” Certainly, the comfort of corrupt people like Lerroux was nothing more than continuing to amortize their access to the government by resting on a Gil Robles who, financed by the monarchists, and returning.
They do not rest in their work. They put into it everything they have, as they tell us in minute detail in various works, but, singularly, in that enormous tome titled History of the Crusade (...) That's how the Spanish right is and will always be, perhaps. Its ideal climate was always dictatorship. A contractor of their tranquility, who guarantees them, without the slightest effort Costa Rica WhatsApp Number on their part, the use and, above all, the abuse of their ancestral privileges, already banished from the civilized world." Without a doubt, García-Margallo is not unaware that the most transcendental issues of the first republican biennium (Secularity of the State, Land Reform, Army and Autonomies) were all raised and decided – beyond their subsequent development – between April and October 1931. In other words, they derived from a Government of National Concentration that could never have been called leftist . However, the country began to be built without the tutelage of its traditional governing groups. Military reform, Church-State separation, labor relations, territorial issue, agrarian reform, women's rights, secular education.The problem of the Republic, Azaña ironized , is that many aspired to a "Republic of lies that consisted of removing to Alfonso XIII to appoint another gentleman with a floppy hat and a little less well dressed than the king.
And that we were going to the same ruling oligarchies, the same bosses and the same oppressive network for the Spanish people.” The problem of the Republic, Azaña ironized, is that many aspired to a 'Republic of lies' that consisted of removing Alfonso XIII to put another gentleman dressed as the king. Indeed, one thing was to migrate the political imposture towards a redeemable republican scenario so that nothing would change; It is quite another that upstart exponents of this new scenario, far from perverting as usual since 1833, sought to fundamentally transform the country to the detriment of its traditional ruling castes. It didn't take long for Ortega 's unjustified “ This isn't it ” to arrive . Alcalá Zamora , wishing to hand over power to a republican and liberal right, would never find it. In La Pobleta, Martínez Barrio confessed Don Niceto's wishes to Azaña: “He wanted to govern the Republic with a left – italics ours – formed by the Radical Party, a right led by his friends, temporarily, until he could lead it in person, and a kind of “SM opposition”, represented by the Socialist Party.” Certainly, the comfort of corrupt people like Lerroux was nothing more than continuing to amortize their access to the government by resting on a Gil Robles who, financed by the monarchists, and returning.